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It will probably take at least another generation’s worth of new facts on the ground to know whether these theories have merit.But it is not too soon to take some snapshots and lay down some markers.Some say the fatalism of Latin American cultures is a poor fit in a society built on Anglo-Saxon values.

This report does so by assembling a wide range of empirical evidence (some generated by our own new survey; some by our analysis of government data) and subjecting it to a series of comparisons: between Latinos and non-Latinos; between young Latinos and older Latinos; between foreign-born Latinos and native-born Latinos; and between first, second, and third and higher generations of Latinos.

The generational analyses presented here do not compare the outcomes of individual Latino immigrants with those of their own children or grandchildren.

But whatever the ultimate trajectory, it is clear that many of today’s Latino youths, be they first or second generation, are straddling two worlds as they adapt to the new homeland.

According to the Pew Hispanic Center’s National Survey of Latinos, more than half (52%) of Latinos ages 16 to 25 identify themselves first by their family’s country of origin, be it Mexico, Cuba, the Dominican Republic, El Salvador or any of more than a dozen other Spanish-speaking countries.

But it cannot fully disentangle the many factors that may help explain the observed patterns—be they compositional effects (the different skills, education levels and other forms of human capital that different cohorts of immigrants bring) or period effects (the different economic conditions that confront immigrants in different time periods).

Readers should be especially careful when interpreting findings about the third and higher generation, for this is a very diverse group.

Measured in raw numbers, the modern Latin American-dominated immigration wave is by far the largest in U. About half are from Latin America, a quarter from Asia and the remainder from Europe, Canada, the Middle East and Africa. population during the period when the immigration occurred, the modern wave’s average annual rate of 4.6 new immigrants per 1,000 population falls well below the 7.7 annual rate that prevailed in the mid- to late 19 century.

By contrast, about 14 million immigrants came during the big Northern and Western European immigration wave of the 19 However, the population of the United States was much smaller during those earlier waves. All immigration waves produce backlashes of one kind or another, and the latest one is no exception.

The current wave may differ from earlier waves in other ways as well.

More than a few immigration scholars have voiced skepticism that the children and grandchildren of today’s Hispanic immigrants will enjoy the same upward mobility experienced by the offspring of European immigrants in previous centuries.

Yet they are much more likely than other American youths to drop out of school and to become teenage parents.